![]() ![]() 337-9, argues that est is not elided, but contracted. 5 Since est at the start of a metrical word need not displace the accent, why do only two late writers use it to any extent? Perhaps the metrical or linguistic 6 expectation that monosyllabic forms of esse were linked backwards meant that placing them at the start of a word ran the risk of suggesting a false word division. 4 Only three of the writers in my sample used a form of esse at the start of a metrical word: Vegetius (with two instances at the start compared to 34 in the normal final position) Petrus Chrysologus (9:10) Cassiodorus (4:6). 6 Danckaert, forthcoming, looks at the word order of past participle and auxiliary esse and finds a s (.)ĥWhen esse is used as a subordinate word within a larger metrical word, its normal position is at the end of that word, e.g.4 While it is clear which word auxiliary est links to, the direction of the link is sometimes less cl (.). ![]() Finally (3) I see whether the use of -que in my sample is consistent with the view that a word like ārmă-quĕ is accented ármaque or armáque. I classify the relevant data from my sample to investigate whether this is a real phenomenon and which of the competing hypotheses of elision and exclusion are better supported. I then (2.2) look at the particular problem that final esse often seems metrically superfluous. I look first (2.1) at how writers treat esse in light of the problems discussed in my earlier article (whether to treat it as unaccented or as an independent word with its own accent). 1ĢIn that paper I left aside two words much used in clausulae, esse and -que, because for each there is some uncertainty about how they were pronounced. Indeed these longer words like atque often function as independent words within the clausula but here too it looks as though some writers were wary of using these kinds of words in this way, from the opposite fear that where the clausula demanded an accent the reader might not hear one. 20, 4) is rare, because it might be heard as árbores átque flóres. This seems to be because longer subordinate words are more likely to be heard as accented, so that a clausula like árbores atque-flóres (Min. The subordinate words are typically monosyllables. The permissible metrical words have the same accentuation as a single word of the same form and combinations which might produce a different accentuation are avoided (with the partial exception of cretics of the form non-potest). I shall call those words which occur in the part of the metrical word typically taken by function words ‘subordinate words’, those that occur in the part typically taken by a noun, verb or adjective, ‘primary words’. Mostly these are combinations that tend to form a grammatical unit and one word will be a function word, such as a preposition or conjunction. For instance in vēllĕ vēl-nōlle the metrical form is the same as ūndă tēndēbat but the final word is now replaced by a combination of two words. Sometimes in place of one of the two words in the clausula, we have a metrical word, which is itself a combination of two words. For instance, the most frequent late Latin clausula is the cretic-trochee divided over two words like this, ūndă tēndēbat. The most favoured clausulae are typically made up of two words. These clausulae have often the same sequences of long and short syllables as the clausulae of classical Latin prose, but are far more likely to be limited to a particular word division. To sum up the discussion in that paper, late Latin clausulae are cadences that mark the end of a sentence or phrase. 6 (.)ġIn this paper I look at two problems among the “metrically subordinate” words I discussed in Holmes (forthcoming). As there, my sample texts are the same as Holmes, 2007, p. 1 For all this, see Holmes, forthcoming. ![]()
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